Faking It.
A Brief Textbook of American
Democracy
by Fred Reed (Fonte
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While the United States is freer and more democratic than many countries,
it is not, I think, either as free or as democratic as we are expected
to believe, and becomes rapidly less so. Indeed we seem to be specialists
in maintaining the appearance without having the substance. Regarding
the techniques of which, a few thoughts:
- Free speech does not exist in America. We all know what we can't
say and about whom we can't say it.
- A democracy run by two barely distinguishable parties is not in
fact a democracy.
A parliamentary democracy allows expression of a range of points
of view: An ecological candidate may be elected, along with a
communist, a racial-separatist, and a libertarian. These will
make sure their ideas are at least heard. By contrast, the two-party
system prevents expression of any ideas the two parties agree
to suppress. How much open discussion do you hear during presidential
elections of, for example, race, immigration, abortion, gun control,
and the continuing abolition of Christianity? These are the issues
most important to most people, yet are quashed.
The elections do however allow allow the public a sense of participation
while having the political importance of the Superbowl.
- Large jurisdictions discourage autonomy. If, say, educational
policy were set in small jurisdictions, such as towns or counties,
you could buttonhole the mayor and have a reasonable prospect of
influencing your children's schools. If policy is set at the level
of the state, then to change it you have to quit your job, marshal
a vast campaign costing a fortune, and organize committees in dozens
of towns. It isn't practical. In America, local jurisdictions set
taxes on real estate and determine parking policy. Everything of
importance is decided remotely.
- Huge unresponsive bureaucracies somewhere else serve as political
flywheels, insulating elected officials from the whims of the populace.
Try calling the federal Department of Education from Wyoming. Its
employees are anonymous, salaried, unaccountable, can't be fired,
and don't care about you. Many more of them than you might believe
are affirmative-action hires and probably can't spell Wyoming. You
cannot influence them in the slightest. Yet they influence you.
- For our increasingly centralized and arbitrary government, the
elimination of potentially competitive centers of power has been,
and is, crucial. This is one reason for the aforementioned defanging
of the churches: The faithful recognize a power above that of the
state, which they might choose to obey instead of Washington. The
Catholic Church in particular, with its inherent organization, was
once powerful. It has been brought to heel.
Similarly the elimination of states' rights, now practically
complete, put paid to another potential source of opposition.
Industry, in the days of J. P. Morgan politically potent, has
been tamed by regulation and federal contracts. The military in
the United States has never been politically active. The government
becomes the only game available.
And is determined to remain so. Any attempt to weaken the central
power will arouse powerful hostility. For example, the persecution
of those engaged in home-schooling has nothing to with concern
for the young. The public schools have little interest in education
and for the most part seem to have little idea of what it is.
The hostility to home-schooling is simply the response of those
with a monopoly of power to the specter of superior competition.
The elections do however allow the public a sense of democratic
participation while having the political importance of the Superbowl.
That is, elections serve chiefly to keep the people from noticing
the absence of democracy. This is a remarkable concept, of great
governmental utility.
- Paradoxically, increasing the power of groups who cannot threaten
the government strengthens the government: They serve as counterbalances
to those who might challenge the central authority. For example,
the white and male-dominated culture of the United States, while
not embodied in an identifiable organization, for some time remained
strong. The encouragement of dissension by empowerment of blacks,
feminists, and homosexuals, and the importing of inassimilable minorities,
weakens what was once the cultural mainstream.
- The apparent government isn't the real government. The real power
in America resides in what George Will once called the "permanent
political class," of which the formal government is a subset. It
consists of the professoriate, journalists, politicians, revolving
appointees, high-level bureaucrats and so on who slosh in and out
of formal power. Most are unelected, believe the same things, and
share a lack of respect for views other than their own.
It is they, to continue the example of education, who write the
textbooks your children use, determine how history will be rewritten,
and set academic standards -- all without the least regard for
you. You can do nothing about it.
- The US government consists of five branches which are, in rough
order of importance, the Supreme Court, the media, the presidency,
the bureaucracy, and Congress.
The function of the Supreme Court, which is both unanswerable
and unaccountable, is to impose things that the congress fears
to touch. That is, it establishes programs desired by the ruling
political class which could not possibly be democratically enacted.
While formally a judicial organ, the Court is in reality our Ministry
of Culture and Morals. It determines policy regarding racial integration,
abortion, pornography, immigration, the practice of religion,
which groups receive special privilege, and what forms of speech
shall be punished.
- The media have two governmental purposes. The first is to prevent
discussion and, to the extent possible, knowledge of taboo subjects.
The second is to inculcate by endless indirection the values and
beliefs of the permanent political class. Thus for example racial
atrocities committed by whites against blacks are widely reported,
while those committed by blacks against whites are concealed. Most
people know this at least dimly. Few know the degree of management
of information.
- Control of television conveys control of the society. It is magic.
This is such a truism that we do not always see how true it is.
The box is ubiquitous and inescapable. It babbles at us in bars
and restaurants, in living rooms and on long flights. It is the
national babysitter. For hours a day most Americans watch it.
Perhaps the key to cultural control is that people can't not
watch a screen. It is probably true that stupid people would not
watch intelligent television, but it is certainly true that intelligent
people will watch stupid television. Any television, it seems,
is preferable to no television. As people read less, the lobotomy
box acquires semi-exclusive rights to their minds.
Television doesn't tell people what to do. It shows them. People
can resist admonition. But if they see something happening over
and over, month after month, if they see the same values approvingly
portrayed, they will adopt both behavior and values. It takes
years, but it works. To be sure it works, we put our children
in front of the screen from infancy.
- Finally, people do not want freedom. They want comfort, two hundred
channels on the cable, sex, drugs, rock-and-roll, an easy job and
an SUV. No country with really elaborate home-theater has ever risen
in revolt. An awful lot of people secretly like being told what
to do. We would probably be happier with a king.
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